Chapter structure
- 11.1 The Global Spread of Modern Science
- 11.2 Science and Technology in China Before the Jesuit Intervention
- 11.3 How Scientific Knowledge Came to Be Transmitted by the Jesuits
- 11.4 Constraints of the Jesuit Context of Knowledge Transmission
- 11.5 The Impact of European Scientific Knowledge on the Chinese Tradition
- 11.6 The Transformation of Knowledge in the Process of Transmission
- 11.7 The Encounter of Two Systems of Knowledge
- Acknowledgments
- References
- Footnotes
11.1 The Global Spread of Modern Science
At the beginning of the twenty-first century, modern science is clearly global. It originated in early modern Europe and spread from there all over the world, either through the
It is this aspect of the universality of modern science, its compatibility with a wide variety of cultural backgrounds, together with the idea that science produces true statements about the world and the obvious usefulness of science for developing advanced
The example of China shows that this is not the case. In the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, just at the time when the early modern
This chapter will discuss the first wave of transmission of European scientific knowledge to China in the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries.2 After a very brief overview of science and
11.2 Science and Technology in China Before the Jesuit Intervention
In identifying the potential and actual consequences of this cultural encounter, it is important to take into account that scientific knowledge never exists in isolation but is always part of a larger system of knowledge with which it interacts. In fact, the
The question of the origin of theoretical knowledge structures that are shared across cultures requires the issue of independent development versus knowledge transfer to be addressed on several levels, since theoretical knowledge results from reflection upon other forms of knowledge in the context of (mostly literal) traditions of argumentation. Thus, besides the question of the origins of the knowledge reflected upon, there is the question of the conditions for the emergence of traditions of argumentation and the transformation of these traditions through contact with (initially) foreign theoretical traditions. In this context it is important to note that in different cultures similar constellations of practical and theoretical knowledge may develop independently. In fact, there appears to be a case of such independent parallel development in ancient Greece and China, where similar mechanical technologies brought about similar theoretical insights Renn and Schemmel 2006. This shall be outlined briefly here.
Before the formulation of any explicit theories of
A beam: if you add a weight to its one side, [this side] will necessarily hang down. This is due to the effectiveness and the weight matching each other. Level both sides up with each other, then the base [i.e. the heavy side] is short and the tip is long.4
Likewise, the Peripatetic Mechanical Problems contains the statement:
The further that which moves the load is away from the fulcrum, the more it moves the load.5
While there is in fact a common core of mechanical knowledge in the earliest
The Chinese tradition of
Traditional Chinese mathematical texts are mostly written in the form of problems and prescriptive rules for their solution. They contain solutions to intricate problems, for example, to what today would be called systems of linear equations. The tradition also includes what may be called
An influential text of the period under consideration is the Suanfa tongzong 算法統宗 [General Source of Computational Methods] of 1592, compiled by the merchant Cheng Dawei 程大位 (1533–1606), who was a devoted collector of
Throughout the history of imperial China,
Besides these predominantly quantitative sciences, there were qualitative discussions of physical phenomena like magnetism and optical phenomena, and rich traditions of what may be called medicine, alchemy, astrology and geomancy (not forgetting the huge differences in the European traditions of the same name). They mostly drew from a common pool of natural philosophic concepts such as yin 陰 and yang 陽, and the
11.3 How Scientific Knowledge Came to Be Transmitted by the Jesuits
Shortly after the formation of the order in the first half of the sixteenth century, the Jesuits had become the intellectual bridgehead of the Catholic Church in its struggle against Protestantism and a major tool for its own spiritual renovation. The Jesuits propagated an integrated
While the Jesuits were thus well-equipped to spread scientific knowledge, their actual strategic use of science in China, which brought about the transmission of scientific knowledge, can only be understood as a reaction to Chinese culture.14 In fact, nowhere in the world did the Jesuits make such systematic use of science to support their mission as they did in China where they were confronted with a highly developed, self-contained and stable cultural system—a nut they were ultimately unable to crack. Two aspects of the strategy for Christianization adopted by the Jesuits in this environment were crucial for the upcoming transfer of scientific knowledge: top-down evangelization and accommodation to Chinese culture.
Top-down evangelization. The Jesuits tried to convert members of the ruling class, ideally the emperor himself, in the hope that the subjects would then follow his example. While this strategy may have been inspired by European and, in fact, Japanese precedents Gernet 1985, 16, it also paralleled the hierarchical structure of Chinese society. The
Accommodation to Chinese culture. Apart from India, China was the only country in which the

Fig. 11.1: The Jesuits Matteo Ricci, Adam Schall von Bell and Ferdinand Verbiest. From Johann Baptista du Halde, Ausführliche Beschreibung des Chinesischen Reiches und der grossen Tartarey, Rostock 1749, p. 93. Permission of the Max Planck Institute for the History of Science Library.
Personal contacts between Jesuits and Chinese scholars. In the early decades of the seventeenth century, Jesuits like Matteo Ricci, Sabatino de Ursis (1575–1620) and Giulio Aleni (1582–1649) succeeded in converting a few Chinese scholars—most prominently Xu Guangqi 徐光啟 (1562–1633), who later became Vice Minister in the Ministry of Rites and was the highest-ranking convert the Jesuit mission would produce16—and worked with them on rendering European knowledge in Chinese writing. Through the presentation of European technical and scientific achievements, the Jesuits hoped to arouse the interest in their teachings of a broader group of scholar-officials, and eventually also of the imperial court.17 The Jesuits’ expertise in mathematical and practical matters paralleled a growing concern for such matters among Confucian scholars toward the end of the Ming 明 dynasty (1368–1644). Serving a state that was becoming increasingly dysfunctional, they more than once interpreted the neo-Confucian term shixue 實學, which may be translated as ‘solid studies,’ in the sense of practical studies which they pursued with the aim of improving statecraft. Together with the Jesuits, but also on their own, they published books on

Fig. 11.2: First proposition of the first book of Euclid in Christopher Clavius’ influential edition (1607; first published in 1574) and the Chinese adaption and translation by the Jesuit Matteo Ricci and his Chinese collaborator Xu Guangqi (1865; first published in 1607). Permission of the Max Planck Institute for the History of Science Library.
Expert services on commission of the state. The converted Chinese associates of the Jesuits not only urged their foreign friends to publish on scientific and technical matters, but also sought to have them apply their expertise directly for the good of the dynasty. The
Astronomy. The need to revise the imperial
Military technology.
Geography. As Ricci had done before him, Verbiest in 1678 called on his order to send more personnel competent in
Tutoring the emperor. The Jesuits had long attempted to capture the attention of the imperial court, but it seems they were not granted an audience during the Ming dynasty Standeart 2001, 492–495. It was only after the dynastic change in 1644 that the Jesuits were finally able to establish closer relations to the court and to the emperor himself. Thus, Schall became the tutor of the Shunzhi 順治 emperor (r. 1644–1661) who was only twelve years old in 1651 when he began to rule by himself. Later, the Kangxi emperor, who was highly interested in mathematics and astronomy but also in various other aspects of European culture, was tutored by Verbiest and by some French Jesuits.
All three contexts of
11.4 Constraints of the Jesuit Context of Knowledge Transmission
This incompatibility explains the precarious situation of the Jesuits during the entire period of their mission. Matteo Ricci established a delicate compromise by declaring crucial components of
The conflict repeatedly hampered the
From the mid-seventeenth century, the Roman Church intervened through papal decrees in the controversy that took place between the different orders operating in China about the proper attitude toward the Chinese rites (and also about how to render central Christian concepts such as ‘God’ in Chinese).21 In 1704 the pope condemned Chinese rites such as sacrifices to ancestors or to Confucius (and forbade the use of much of the Chinese Christian terminology Ricci had introduced). In 1706 the Kangxi emperor issued the order that all
[…] actually does not differ from the heterodox and inferior talk of Buddhists and Taoists; it is the acme of unlawful nonsense. Henceforth Westerners must not be allowed to practice their religion in China. We may as well prohibit it, so as to avoid a lot of trouble.22
The prohibition of
But the
The Jesuits’ heading of the Astronomical Bureau set their science directly in the context of Chinese state
11.5 The Impact of European Scientific Knowledge on the Chinese Tradition
Mathematics.
Astronomy.
While large portions of European scientific knowledge were thus integrated into the Chinese corpus, the Chinese
Still, the massive influx of foreign knowledge seems to have appeared threatening enough to the Chinese to necessitate a justification for its use, in particular in the context of the imperial
A major result of the introduction of Western scientific knowledge to China was a turn to the
Summing up, in early modern times the Chinese were highly selective in their reception of Western science. They made use of mainly those aspects of Western knowledge that were useful for what they did anyway (
11.6 The Transformation of Knowledge in the Process of Transmission
But the transformation already begins with the
We will not discuss here the preposterous thesis that the
This practice immediately raises the question of the degree to which the transferred knowledge was altered owing to the different connotations of the Chinese terms. Were there, for instance, connotations of the word li 力, which was often used to represent the Latin vis (force), that changed the meaning of statements in
There are in fact many cases in which the contexts given by the Chinese and European traditions were consciously merged, thereby producing concepts of double origin. Thus, while in their letters to Europe the Jesuits ridiculed the Chinese doctrine of the
The marginalization of deductive structure is another crucial transformation in the
11.7 The Encounter of Two Systems of Knowledge
The transfer of European scientific knowledge to China was brought about by specific constellations of interests on both sides: the European (Jesuit) and the Chinese. The intellectual, political and religious conditions that made the knowledge transfer possible served, at the same time, as restrictions that hampered and occasionally even endangered its continuation. These conditions changed over time during the Jesuit mission in China and by the mid-eighteenth century, the transfer of European scientific knowledge to China had come to a virtual halt.
The encounter resulted in a selective adoption of European scientific and
The dynamics in the early modern European
The
Thus in early modern times it was the unstable knowledge system of Europe that collided with the
Acknowledgments
For helpful discussions I would like to thank Peter Damerow, Jürgen Renn, Joachim Kurtz, Dagmar Schäfer, Martina Siebert, Bill Boltz, Rivka Feldhay and Hans Ulrich Vogel. A large part of my work on Chinese science has been carried out in the context of joint research in the cooperative Partner Group framework of the Chinese Academy of Science and the Max Planck Society (2001–2006) and I would like to thank Zhang Baichun, Tian Miao, Zou Dahai and the other members of the Partner Group for the collaboration.
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Footnotes
To say that modern science originated in early modern Europe should not be taken as a denial of its non-European roots. For the multi-millennial history of knowledge transmission throughout Eurasia and northern Africa, see survey chapter 9.
A broad account of the development of science in China under Western influence is given in Elman 2005. Different perspectives on the early modern knowledge transfer from Europe to China are offered in Elman 2005. This chapter is not concerned with knowledge transmission in the opposite direction, i.e., from China to Europe, which constitutes a topic of its own.
See the various contributions to Parts 1 and 2 of this volume. For examples from the multi-millennial transmission of knowledge in the mathematical sciences throughout the Eurasian continent, including China, see, e.g, Høyrup 1989; Dold-Samplonius et.al. 2002.
“(衡)。加重於其一旁必捶,權重相若也。相衡,則本短標長。” Section B25b in Graham 1978, 387. The translation given here is based on joint work of a project group at the Max Planck Institute for the History of Science with William G. Boltz.
“ἀεὶ δὲ πλέον βάρος κινεῖ, ὅσῳ ἂν πλέον ἀφεστήκῃ τοῦ ὑπομοχλίου ὁ κινῶν τὸ βάρος.” (Aristotle, Mechanical Problems), 850b14–16 Aristotle 1936, 354, modified translation.
A balance with unequal arms is explicitly mentioned in problem 20 of the Mechanical Problems. An earlier attestation of the use of balances with unequal arms in Greece is found in Aristophanes’ play Peace, see Damerow et.al. 2002, 95.
For a discussion of different assumed dates for the earliest occurrence of the balance with unequal arms in China, see (Guo 1993, 29–30; Renn and Schemmel 2000, in particular 22–23).
See, for instance, Cullen 1995; Chemla 2005.
See, for example, (Needham 1988, Vol. III, 209; Martzloff 1997, 19–20).
Consider, for instance, the problems in vol. 4 of the Suanfa tongzong, which arguably reflect knowledge of the law of the lever.
On Islamic astronomy in China during the Yuan and Ming dynasties, see Yabuuti 1997; on instruments of Islamic origin, see in particular 14–17 and the discussion in Dold-Samplonius et.al. 2002, 340–342.
For a statistic of missionaries in China from 1590 to 1815 according to their order or congregation, see Standeart 2001, 307–8.
For a concise description of the Jesuit strategy as a reaction to Chinese culture, see Standeart 1999; for a comprehensive account of the Christian missions in China from late Ming to mid-Qing times, see Standeart 2001, 113–906.
For an overview of the role of the different branches of the sciences in the Jesuit missionary effort, see Standeart 2001, 689–808.
On different aspects of Xu Guangqi’s life and work, see Jami et.al. 2001.
Ricci’s strategic use of science may have been modeled partly on the experience he had made with his famous world map of 1584, which had generated wide interest among Chinese scholars and provided him with many important acquaintances; see, for example, Gernet 1985, 20–21.
A major cause for the retrogression of the Jesuits’ missionary success among the Chinese elite can be found in the change of intellectual climate in seventeenth-century China, from the perception of crisis and exceptional openness to foreign ideas in the first decades of the century to the concentration on the domestic classical traditions under a foreign but stable rule at its closure; this development is sketched in Wills 1994.
The long-lasting European directorship of the Astronomical Bureau did not bring about a continuing transfer of European scientific knowledge to China. As the Europeans’ role in the Astronomical Bureau became increasingly institutionalized, one can discern a “progressive bureaucratic insulation of Western computational techniques as a routinized and circumscribed function of the Astronomical Bureau” Porter 1980, 71, which increasingly distanced the Europeans’ intellectual activities from the propagation of new developments within European science.
For statistics and references to bibliographies of the Jesuit’s scientific writings in China, see (Peterson 1973, 296; in particular note 5; Standeart 2001, in particular 600 and 631).
On the ‘rites controversy,’ see, for example, Standeart 2001, 680–688.
Imperial autograph comment, cited after Standeart 2001, 498.
Several heavens tian 天, as the spheres were rendered in Chinese; (Gernet 1985, 61; Standeart 2001, 510).
Cited after Engelfriet 1998, 331.
Further works of Chinese mathematics which reveal an influence by Western mathematics are discussed in Jami 1996.
Examples are the syncretistic world systems of Mei Wending 梅文鼎 (1633–1721), who discussed the physical reality of the (possibly interpenetrating) spheres and the outermost immobile sphere as base of the prime mover, and of Wang Xishan 王錫闡 (1628–1682) who devised his own Tychonic system Henderson 1986, 131–132.
Chen Yue, personal communication. Nathan Sivin has argued that the Chinese scholars’ negligence of the Copernican worldview was due to the fact that the Jesuits’ early presentations of it were misleading, while the later correct presentation then contradicted their earlier statements Sivin 1973, 103 and . From this perspective, the early failure to introduce Copernicanism to China appears to be a mere consequence of the constraints of the Jesuit context of knowledge transmission. In view of the fact that in Europe, too, a ‘correct’ presentation of Copernicanism was not readily available and that Copernicanism prevailed despite (and in a way even due to) the fact that it contradicted earlier ideas, it seems obvious, however, that more profound differences between the European and the Chinese knowledge systems at the time and their respective social embedding must be invoked to explain the different fates of Copernican cosmology in the two cultures. Cf. note 44.
For the case of the French Jesuits, see Jami 1994, 240.
See, for example, Sivin 1973, 72.
For example, in the Celiang fayi 測量法義 [The Meaning of Methods of Measurement] of 1608, which discusses “measurement and survey problems […] in terms of Euclidean geometry; it also describe[s] the instruments used and their construction” Jami 1996, 179.
For the concept of images of knowledge, see Elkana 1981. See also chapters 1 and 9.
This assessment stands in stark contrast to Joseph Needham’s claim that around 1600 “there ceases to be any essential distinction between world science and specifically Chinese science,” Needham 1988, Vol. III, 437. In view of the differences that remained between the two science traditions as described here, and the difficult processes of the transmission of European scientific knowledge to China beginning in the second half of the nineteenth century, it is difficult to imagine what Needham’s statement could mean. For a recent critical review of Needham’s legacy, see Schäfer 2010.
See, for instance, Henderson 1984, in particular 126 and 151.
The claim of ambiguity is critically discussed, for instance, in Wardy 2000, 6–10.
This question is tentatively discussed in Damerow et.al. 2006, 2–3. For a selection of passages from various ancient Chinese sources containing the term li 力, see Zou 2006.
See Engelfriet 1998, 140.
For discussions of representations of Western knowledge in Chinese terms focusing on the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, cf. Lackner et.al. 2001.
A furthergoing discussion of early modern translations of mechanical terms into Chinese is found in (Amelung 2001; Schemmel in press).
Thus, relating the Chinese doctrine to the Aristotelian four elements, Ricci writes in a letter from 1595: “By adding metal and wood, and omitting air, they [i.e. the Chinese] count five elements (instead of four)—metal, wood, fire, water and earth. Still worse, they make out that these elements are engendered the one by the other […].” Cited after Needham 1988, Vol. III, 439.
The passage in the Yuanxi qiqi tushuo luzui reads: “For every body, if it is not at its [natural] place then this is necessarily contrary to [its] nature and other bodies can attack it. Therefore, to approach their respective natural place is what all bodies strive after. For example, fire naturally flames upwards. If you make it enter water then this is not [its] natural place and it will be extinguished immediately.” (每物不在其所,則必與性相反,且別物得以攻之。故各就本所乃各物之所喜向也。假如火本炎上,使之入水,則非本所,便就滅息。) Yuanxi qiqi tushuo luzui, chapter one, section 23, see Zhang et.al. 2008, Vol. 2, 62. For the relevant quotation from the Qiongli xue, see Yin 2006, 135.
See, for example, Martzloff 1980.
At this point, it becomes particularly clear that the question of why the success of the transmission was so limited is closely related to Needham’s classic question of why China did not develop modern science by itself (see, for example, Needham 1969, 16; for critical reviews of Needham’s question that appreciate its heuristic value, see Graham 1971; Sivin 1982). While any attempt to answer Needham’s question lies outside the scope of the present chapter, it seems obvious that questions concerning the stability of the knowledge system are relevant, just as they are relevant to the problem of knowledge transmission from the West. Examples of such questions are: What practical knowledge was needed in centralistic China in comparison to Europe with its many competing political centers? How did new practical knowledge challenge traditional theoretical conceptions of the cosmos? And to what extent was there a power struggle between different strata of society in the context of which questions of natural philosophy and cosmology could have acquired a revolutionary potential? For the European case cf. Lefèvre 1978, in particular 75–79. See also the discussion in chapter 9.